what organization was founded in 1957 to coordinate and raise funds

African-American civil rights organization

Southern Christian Leadership Conference

Abbreviation	SCLC
Formation	Jan ten, 1957 (1957-01-10)
Blazon	NGO
Purpose	Civil rights
Headquarters	Atlanta, Georgia
Region served	The states
Chairman	Bernard Lafayette
President/CEO	Charles Steele Jr.
Affiliations	17 affiliates; 57 capacity
Staff	threescore
Website	world wide web.nationalsclc.org

The Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) is an African-American civil rights organization based in Atlanta, Georgia. SCLC is closely associated with its first president, Martin Luther Rex Jr., who had a large function in the American civil rights movement.^[one]

Founding [edit]

On January 10, 1957, following the Montgomery motorcoach boycott victory against the white democracy and consultations with Bayard Rustin, Ella Baker, and others, Martin Luther King Jr. invited well-nigh 60 black ministers and leaders to Ebenezer Church in Atlanta. Prior to this, Rustin, in New York City, conceived the idea of initiating such an effort and showtime sought C. Thousand. Steele to make the phone call and have the pb role. Steele declined, merely told Rustin he would be glad to work right beside him if he sought King in Montgomery for the part. Their goal was to grade an organization to coordinate and support nonviolent direct activeness as a method of desegregating passenger vehicle systems across the South. In addition to Rex, Rustin, Baker, and Steele, Fred Shuttlesworth of Birmingham, Joseph Lowery of Mobile, and Ralph Abernathy of Montgomery, all played cardinal roles in this coming together.^[2] The group connected this initial meeting on January 11, calling information technology (in keeping with the recent bus segregation issue) a Southern Negro Leaders Conference on Transportation and Nonviolent Integration when they held a press briefing that day. The press conference allowed them to introduce their efforts:

• communicating what they had included in telegrams sent that twenty-four hours to applicable members of the executive branch of the U.S. government (President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, and Attorney General Brownell)
• sharing an outline of their overall position regarding the restrictions against the "elementary democratic rights [of America'due south] Negro minority"
• and providing a short list of concerns they wished to raise with "white Southerners of goodwill".^[3]

On February 15, a follow-up meeting was held in New Orleans. Out of these two meetings came a new organization with King as its president. Shortening the name used for their January meetings, the group briefly chosen their arrangement Negro Leaders Conference on Nonviolent Integration, then Southern Negro Leaders Conference.^[4] At its third meeting, in August 1957, the grouping settled on Southern Christian Leadership Briefing (SCLC) as its name, expanding its focus beyond buses to ending all forms of segregation.^[five] A pocket-sized function was established in the Prince Hall Masonic Temple Building on Auburn Artery in Atlanta^[6] with Ella Baker as SCLC'southward first—and for a long time only—staff member.^[7]

SCLC was governed by an elected board, and established every bit an organization of affiliates, most of which were either individual churches or customs organizations such as the Montgomery Improvement Association and the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights (ACMHR). This organizational form differed from the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) who recruited individuals and formed them into local chapters.^{[ citation needed ]}

The organisation also drew inspiration from the crusades of evangelist Baton Graham, who befriended Rex after he appeared at a Graham crusade in New York City in 1957. Despite tactical differences, which arose from Graham'due south willingness to continue affiliating himself with segregationists, the SCLC and the Billy Graham Evangelistic Association had similar ambitions and Graham would privately suggest the SCLC.^[viii]

During its early years, SCLC struggled to gain footholds in black churches and communities across the South. Social activism in favor of racial equality faced vehement repression from the constabulary, White Citizens' Council and the Ku Klux Klan. Only a few churches had the backbone to defy the white-dominated status-quo past affiliating with SCLC, and those that did adventure economical retaliation against pastors and other church building leaders, arson, and bombings.^{[ citation needed ]}

SCLC's advancement of boycotts and other forms of nonviolent protestation was controversial amidst both whites and blacks. Many black community leaders believed that segregation should be challenged in the courts and that direct activity excited white resistance, hostility, and violence. Traditionally, leadership in black communities came from the educated elite—ministers, professionals, teachers, etc.—who spoke for and on behalf of the laborers, maids, farmhands, and working poor who made up the majority of the black population. Many of these traditional leaders were uneasy at involving ordinary blacks in mass action such as boycotts and marches.^{[ citation needed ]}

SCLC's belief that churches should be involved in political activism against social ills was also deeply controversial. Many ministers and religious leaders—both blackness and white—thought that the role of the church building was to focus on the spiritual needs of the congregation and perform charitable works to aid the needy. To some of them, the social-political activeness of King and SCLC amounted to dangerous radicalism which they strongly opposed.^{[ commendation needed ]}

SCLC and King were also sometimes criticized for lack of militancy by younger activists in groups such equally Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and Core who were participating in sit-ins and Liberty Rides.^{[ citation needed ]}

Citizenship Schools [edit]

Originally started in 1954 by Esau Jenkins and Septima Clark on the Sea Islands off the coast of South Carolina and Georgia, the Citizenship Schools focused on teaching adults to read and so they could pass the voter-registration literacy tests, fill out driver's license exams, use mail-order forms, and open checking accounts. Under the auspices of the Highlander Folk School (now Highlander Research and Instruction Center) the program was expanded across the S. The Johns Island Citizenship School was housed at The Progressive Club, listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2007.^{[nine] [10]}

According to Septima Clark'due south autobiography, Echo In My Soul (page 225), the Highlander Folk Schoolhouse was closed, because information technology engaged in commercial activities in violation its lease, every bit the Highlander Folk School was chartered by the State of Tennessee as a not-profit corporation without stockholders or owners. Yet, in 1961, the Highlander staff reincorporated as the Highlander Research and Education Center and moved to Knoxville. Under the innocuous cover of developed-literacy classes, the schools secretly taught democracy and civil rights, community leadership and organizing, practical politicals, and the strategies and tactics of resistance and struggle, and in and then doing congenital the human being foundations of the mass community struggles to come.

Somewhen, close to 69,000 teachers, most of them unpaid volunteers and many with little formal education taught Citizenship Schools throughout the South.^[xi] Many of the Ceremonious Rights Movement's adult leaders such as Fannie Lou Hamer and Victoria Gray, and hundreds of other local leaders in black communities across the S attended and taught citizenship schools.^[12]

Under the leadership of Clark, the citizenship school projection trained over 10,000 citizenship school teachers who led citizenship schools throughout the South, representing a popular instruction effort on a massive scale^[13] On superlative of these 10,000 teachers, citizenship schools reached out and taught more than than 25,000 people.^[14] Past 1968, over 700,000 African Americans became registered voters thanks to Clark's dedication to the movement.^[15]

As a consequence of the SCLC acquiring the already-established Citizenship Schools program, as its director, Clark became the first woman immune a position on the SCLC board, despite continued resistance from the other (exclusively male) SCLC leaders.^[16] Andrew Young, who had joined Highlander the previous twelvemonth to work with the Citizenship Schools, also joined the SCLC staff. The SCLC staff of citizenship schools were overwhelmingly women, as a result of the daily experience gained by becoming a teacher.^[14]

Clark would struggle confronting relentless sexism and male person supremacy during her fourth dimension on the SCLC, much equally Ella Bakery had, with particularly harsh sexism emanating from Martin Luther Male monarch Jr. himself.^[xiii] Ralph Abernathy likewise objected to a woman being allowed to participate in SCLC decisionmaking and leadership, as Clark said:

"I can remember Reverend Abernathy asking many times, why was Septima Clark on the Executive Board of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference? And Dr. King would always say, 'She was the one who proposed this citizenship education which is bringing to us not only money just a lot of people who will register and vote.' And he asked that many times. It was hard for him to see a woman on that executive body."^[17]

Clark attested that deliberate and widespread bigotry and even overt suppression of women was "one of the greatest weaknesses of the civil rights move."^[xv]

Albany Motion [edit]

In 1961 and 1962, SCLC joined SNCC in the Albany Movement, a broad protestation against segregation in Albany, Georgia. It is generally considered the organisation's first major nonviolent campaign. At the time, information technology was considered by many to be unsuccessful: despite big demonstrations and many arrests, few changes were won, and the protests drew little national attention. Yet, despite the lack of firsthand gains, much of the success of the subsequent Birmingham Campaign tin be attributed to lessons learned in Albany.^[18]

Birmingham campaign [edit]

By contrast, the 1963 SCLC campaign in Birmingham, Alabama, was an unqualified success. The campaign focused on a single goal—the desegregation of Birmingham's downtown merchants—rather than total desegregation, every bit in Albany. The brutal response of local police, led by Public Rubber Commissioner "Bull" Connor, stood in stark contrast to the nonviolent ceremonious disobedience of the activists.

Afterward his arrest in April, Male monarch wrote the "Letter from Birmingham Jail" in response to a group of clergy who had criticized the Birmingham campaign, writing that information technology was "directed and led in part by outsiders" and that the demonstrations were "unwise and untimely."^[19] In his letter of the alphabet, Rex explained that, equally president of SCLC, he had been asked to come up to Birmingham past the local members:

I recollect I should betoken why I am here in Birmingham, since yous have been influenced past the view which argues against "outsiders coming in." I take the honor of serving as president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, an system operating in every southern state, with headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia. We have some eighty-5 affiliated organizations beyond the Due south, and one of them is the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights. ... Several months agone the affiliate here in Birmingham asked united states of america to be on call to engage in a nonviolent direct-action program if such were deemed necessary. We readily consented, and when the hour came we lived upwardly to our promise. And so I, forth with several members of my staff, am here because I was invited hither I am here because I have organizational ties here.^[20]

King as well addressed the question of "timeliness":

One of the bones points in your argument is that the activeness that I and my associates take taken in Birmingham is untimely. ... Frankly, I have all the same to engage in a direct-activity campaign that was "well timed" in the view of those who have not suffered disproportionately from the disease of segregation. For years at present I have heard the word "Expect!" It rings in the ear of every Negro with piercing familiarity. This "Wait" has near always meant "Never." We must come to run into, with one of our distinguished jurists, that "justice too long delayed is justice denied." We have waited for more than 340 years for our constitutional and God-given rights.^[xx]

The most dramatic moments of the Birmingham entrada came on May 2, when, nether the direction and leadership of James Bevel, who would soon officially go SCLC'south Manager of Straight Action and Director of Nonviolent Education, more than i,000 Black children left school to bring together the demonstrations; hundreds were arrested. The following day, 2,500 more students joined and were met past Bull Connor with police dogs and loftier-pressure burn down hoses. That evening, television news programs reported to the nation and the world scenes of burn down hoses knocking downwards schoolchildren and dogs attacking individual demonstrators. Public outrage led the Kennedy administration to intervene more forcefully and a settlement was announced on May ten, under which the downtown businesses would desegregate and eliminate discriminatory hiring practices, and the city would release the jailed protesters.

March on Washington [edit]

Afterward the Birmingham Entrada, SCLC called for massive protests in Washington, DC, to button for new ceremonious rights legislation that would outlaw segregation nationwide. A. Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin issued like calls for a March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. On July 2, 1963, King, Randolph, and Rustin met with James Farmer Jr. of the Congress of Racial Equality, John Lewis of SNCC, Roy Wilkins of the NAACP, and Whitney Young of the Urban League to programme a united march on August 28.

The media and political institution viewed the march with great fright and trepidation over the possibility that protesters would run anarchism in the streets of the uppercase. But despite their fears, the March on Washington was a huge success, with no violence, and an estimated number of participants ranging from 200,000 to 300,000. It was besides a logistical triumph—more 2,000 buses, 21 special trains, 10 chartered aircraft, and uncounted autos converged on the urban center in the morning and departed without difficulty by nightfall.

The crowning moment of the march was Male monarch'due south famous "I Have a Dream" speech in which he articulated the hopes and aspirations of the Ceremonious Rights Motion and rooted it in two cherished gospels—the Old Testament and the unfulfilled promise of the American creed.^[21]

St. Augustine protests [edit]

When civil rights activists protesting segregation in St. Augustine, Florida were met with arrests and Ku Klux Klan violence, the local SCLC affiliate appealed to King for assistance in the bound of 1964. SCLC sent staff to help organize and lead demonstrations and mobilized support for St. Augustine in the N. Hundreds were arrested on sit-ins and marches opposing segregation, so many that the jails were filled and the overflow prisoners had to be held in outdoor stockades. Amidst the northern supporters who endured abort and incarceration were Mrs. Malcolm Peabody, the female parent of the governor of Massachusetts and Mrs. John Burgess, wife of the Episcopal Bishop of Massachusetts.^[22]

Nightly marches to the Quondam Slave Market were attacked by white mobs, and when blacks attempted to integrate "white-merely" beaches they were assaulted by police who beat them with clubs. On June 11, King and other SCLC leaders were arrested for trying to luncheon at the Monson Motel eating house, and when an integrated grouping of young protesters tried to apply the motel pond pool the possessor poured acid into the water. Television receiver and newspaper stories of the struggle for justice in St. Augustine helped build public support for the Civil Rights Act of 1964^[23] that was then existence debated in Congress.^[24]

Selma Voting Rights Movement and the march to Montgomery [edit]

When voter registration and ceremonious rights activity in Selma, Alabama were blocked by an illegal injunction,^[25] the Dallas County Voters League (DCVL) asked SCLC for assist. King, SCLC, and DCVL chose Selma equally the site for a major campaign effectually voting rights that would demand national voting rights legislation in the same way that the Birmingham and St. Augustine campaigns won passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.^{[23] [26]} In cooperation with SNCC who had been organizing in Selma since early 1963, the Voting Rights Entrada commenced with a rally in Brownish Chapel on January 2, 1965, in disobedience of the injunction. SCLC and SNCC organizers recruited and trained blacks to endeavor to register to vote at the courthouse, where many of them were abused and arrested by Dallas Canton Sheriff Jim Clark — a staunch segregationist. Black voter applicants were subjected to economic retaliation past the White Citizens' Quango, and threatened with physical violence past the Ku Klux Klan. Officials used the discriminatory literacy test^[27] to keep blacks off the voter rolls.

Nonviolent mass marches demanded the correct to vote and the jails filled upwards with arrested protesters, many of them students. On February i, King and Abernathy were arrested. Voter registration efforts and protest marches spread to the surrounding Black Chugalug counties — Perry, Wilcox, Marengo, Greene, and Hale. On February 18, an Alabama State Trooper shot and killed Jimmie Lee Jackson during a voting rights protest in Marion, county seat of Perry County. In response, James Bevel, who was directing SCLC's Selma actions, chosen for a march from Selma to Montgomery, and on March 7 shut to 600 protesters attempted the march to nowadays their grievances to Governor Wallace. Led by Reverend Hosea Williams of SCLC and John Lewis of SNCC, the marchers were attacked by State Troopers, deputy sheriffs, and mounted possemen who used tear-gas, horses, clubs, and bullwhips to drive them back to Brown Chapel. News coverage of this brutal assault on nonviolent demonstrators protesting for the right to vote — which became known as "Bloody Sunday" — horrified the nation.^[28]

Male monarch, Bevel, Diane Nash and others called on clergy and people of censor to back up the black citizens of Selma. Thousands of religious leaders and ordinary Americans came to demand voting rights for all. 1 of them was James Reeb, a white Unitarian Universalist minister, who was savagely beaten to death on the street by Klansmen who severely injured two other ministers in the same attack.

Later more protests, arrests, and legal maneuvering, Federal Gauge Frank M. Johnson ordered Alabama to let the march to Montgomery. It began on March 21 and arrived in Montgomery on the 24th. On the 25th, an estimated 25,000^[29] protesters marched to the steps of the Alabama capitol in support of voting rights where King spoke.^[30] Inside v months, Congress and President Lyndon Johnson responded to the enormous public pressure generated by the Selma Voting Rights Move by enacting into constabulary the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

Grenada Freedom Movement [edit]

When the Meredith Mississippi March Confronting Fear passed through Grenada, Mississippi on June 15, 1966, it sparked months of civil rights activeness on the part of Grenada blacks. They formed the Grenada Canton Liberty Movement (GCFM) as an SCLC affiliate, and within days 1,300 blacks registered to vote.^[31]

Though the Civil Rights Act of 1964^[23] had outlawed segregation of public facilities, the police force had not been applied in Grenada which still maintained rigid segregation. Afterward black students were arrested for trying to sit downstairs in the "white" department of the movie theater, SCLC and the GCFM demanded that all forms of segregation exist eliminated, and called for a cold-shoulder of white merchants. Over the summer, the number of protests increased and many demonstrators and SCLC organizers were arrested every bit police force enforced the sometime Jim Crow social club. In July and August, big mobs of white segregationists mobilized by the KKK violently attacked nonviolent marchers and news reporters with rocks, bottles, baseball game bats and steel pipes.

When the new school yr began in September, SCLC and the GCFM encouraged more than 450 black students to register at the formerly white schools under a court desegregation order. This was by far the largest school integration attempt in Mississippi since the Dark-brown five. Board of Education ruling in 1954. The all-white school lath resisted fiercely, whites threatened black parents with economical retaliation if they did not withdraw their children, and by the first day of school the number of black children registered in the white schools had dropped to approximately 250. On the kickoff twenty-four hour period of grade, September 12, a furious white mob organized by the Klan attacked the black children and their parents with clubs, chains, whips, and pipes as they walked to school, injuring many and hospitalizing several with cleaved bones. Constabulary and Mississippi Land Troopers made no effort to halt or deter the mob violence.^[32]

Over the following days, white mobs continued to assail the blackness children until public force per unit area and a Federal court society finally forced Mississippi lawmen to intervene. Past the stop of the beginning week, many black parents had withdrawn their children from the white schools out of fear for their condom, just approximately 150 black students continued to attend, withal the largest school integration in state history at that point in time.

Inside the schools, blacks were harassed past white teachers, threatened and attacked by white students, and many blacks were expelled on flimsy pretexts by school officials. By mid-Oct, the number of blacks attending the white schools had dropped to roughly 70. When school officials refused to meet with a delegation of black parents, black students began boycotting both the white and blackness schools in protestation. Many children, parents, GCFM activists, and SCLC organizers were arrested for protesting the school state of affairs. By the end of Oct, virtually all of the 2600 black students in Grenada County were boycotting school. The boycott was not ended until early November when SCLC attorneys won a Federal court club that the school organisation care for anybody equal regardless of race and meet with black parents.

Jackson conference [edit]

In 1966, Allen Johnson hosted the Tenth Almanac Southern Christian Leadership Conference at the Masonic Temple in Jackson, Mississippi.^[33] The theme of the conference was human rights - the continuing struggle.^[33] Those in attendance, among others, included: Edward Kennedy, James Bevel, Martin Luther King Jr., Ralph Abernathy, Curtis Due west. Harris, Walter Eastward. Fauntroy, C. T. Vivian, Andrew Young, The Freedom Singers, Charles Evers, Fred Shuttlesworth, Cleveland Robinson, Randolph Blackwell, Annie Bell Robinson Devine, Charles Kenzie Steele, Alfred Daniel Williams King, Benjamin Hooks, Aaron Henry and Bayard Rustin.^[33]

Chicago Freedom Movement [edit]

Poor People's Entrada [edit]

1968–1997 [edit]

In Baronial 1967, the Federal Agency of Investigation (FBI) instructed its program "COINTELPRO" to "neutralize" what the FBI called "black nationalist hate groups" and other dissident groups.^[34] The initial targets included Martin Luther King Jr. and others associated with the SCLC.^[35]

Subsequently the bump-off of Martin Luther King Jr. in 1968, leadership was transferred to Ralph Abernathy, who presided until 1977. Abernathy was replaced by Joseph Lowery who was SCLC president until 1997. In 1997, MLK'south son, Martin Luther King III, became the president of SCLC. In 2004, for less than a year, it was Fred Shuttlesworth. After him, the president was Charles Steele Jr., and in 2009, Howard W. Creecy Jr. Next were Isaac Newton Farris Jr. and C. T. Vivian, who took function in 2012.^{[ contradictory ]}

This section needs expansion. You can assistance past adding to it. (Dec 2009)

1997 to present [edit]

In 1997, Martin Luther Male monarch III was unanimously elected to head the Southern Christian Leadership Briefing, replacing Joseph Lowery. Under Rex's leadership, the SCLC held hearings on law brutality, organized a rally for the 37th anniversary of the "I Take a Dream" oral communication and launched a successful entrada to alter the Georgia country flag, which previously featured a large Amalgamated cross.^[36]

Within only a few months of taking the position, even so, Male monarch was being criticized by the Conference board for alleged inactivity. He was accused of failing to reply correspondence from the board and have up bug important to the organization. The lath also felt he failed to demonstrate confronting national issues the SCLC previously would have protested, like the disenfranchisement of black voters in the Florida ballot recount or time limits on welfare recipients implemented by then-President Bill Clinton.^[37] King was further criticized for failing to join the battle against AIDS, allegedly because he feels uncomfortable talking about condoms.^[36] He likewise hired Lamell J. McMorris, an executive director who, co-ordinate to The New York Times, "rubbed board members the wrong way."^[37]

The Southern Christian Leadership Conference suspended King from the presidency in June 2001, concerned that he was letting the system drift into inaction. In a June 25 alphabetic character to King, the group'southward national chairman at the fourth dimension, Claud Young, wrote, "You have consistently been insubordinate and displayed inappropriate, obstinate behavior in the (negligent) carrying out of your duties every bit president of SCLC."^[37] King was reinstated only ane week afterwards after promising to take a more than active role. Young said of the suspension, "I felt nosotros had to use a 2-by-four to get his attention. Well, it got his attending all right."^[37]

After he was reinstated, Rex prepared a four-yr program outlining a stronger management for the system, agreeing to dismiss McMorris and announcing plans to present a strong challenge to the George Due west. Bush-league administration in an August convention in Montgomery, Alabama.^[37] He also planned to concentrate on racial profiling, prisoners' rights, and closing the digital divide between whites and blacks.^[36] However, King likewise suggested in a statement that the group needed a unlike arroyo than information technology had used in the by, stating, "Nosotros must not allow our lust for 'temporal gratification' to blind united states of america from making difficult decisions to effect future generations."^[37]

Martin Luther King Iii resigned in 2004, upon which Fred Shuttlesworth was elected to supercede him. Shuttlesworth resigned the same twelvemonth that he was appointed, complaining that "deceit, mistrust, and a lack of spiritual field of study and truth have eaten at the cadre of this once-hallowed organization".^[38] He was replaced by Charles Steele Jr. who served until Oct 2009.

On October xxx, 2009, Elder Bernice Male monarch, Male monarch'southward youngest child, was elected SCLC's new president, with James Bush Three taking office in Feb 2010 as Acting President/CEO until Bernice King took office. However, on January 21, 2011, fifteen months after her election, Bernice King declined the position of president. In a written statement, she said that her decision came "afterward numerous attempts to connect with the official board leaders on how to move frontward under my leadership, unfortunately, our visions did not align."^[39]

Leadership [edit]

The best-known member of the SCLC was Martin Luther King Jr., who was president and chaired the organization until he was assassinated on Apr four, 1968. Other prominent members of the organization have included Joseph Lowery, Ralph Abernathy, Ella Baker, James Bevel, Diane Nash, Dorothy Cotton, James Orange, C. O. Simpkins Sr, Charles Kenzie Steele, C. T. Vivian, Fred Shuttlesworth, Andrew Young, Hosea Williams, Jesse Jackson, Walter Due east. Fauntroy, Claud Immature, Septima Clark, Martin Luther King Three, Curtis W. Harris, Maya Angelou, and Golden Frinks.

Presidents

No.	Image	Proper noun	Term
1		Martin Luther King Jr.	1957–1968
2		Ralph Abernathy	1968–1977
3		Joseph Lowery	1977–1997
4		Martin Luther King III	1997–2004
5		Fred Shuttlesworth	2004–2004
6		Charles Steele Jr.	2004–2009
vii		Howard Due west. Creecy Jr.	2009–2011
viii		Charles Steele Jr.[xl]	2012–nowadays

Relationships with other organizations [edit]

Because of its dedication to directly-action protests, civil disobedience, and mobilizing mass participation in boycotts and marches, SCLC was considered more "radical" than the older NAACP, which favored lawsuits, legislative lobbying, and education campaigns conducted by professionals. At the same time, it was generally considered less radical than Congress of Racial Equality (Cadre) or the youth-led Pupil Nonviolent Analogous Commission (SNCC).^{[ citation needed ]}

To a certain extent during the period 1960–1964, SCLC had a mentoring relationship with SNCC before SNCC began moving abroad from nonviolence and integration in the late 1960s. Over time, SCLC and SNCC took different strategic paths, with SCLC focusing on big-calibration campaigns such as Birmingham and Selma to win national legislation, and SNCC focusing on community-organizing to build political power on the local level. In many communities, there was tension between SCLC and SNCC because SCLC's base was the minister-led Black churches, and SNCC was trying to build rival community organizations led past the poor.^[41] SCLC also had its ain youth volunteer initiative, the SCOPE Project (Summer Community Organisation on Political Education), which placed nearly 500 young people, generally white students from near 100 colleges and universities, who registered almost 49,000 voters in 120 counties in half dozen southern states in 1965–66.^[42]

In August 1979, the head of the SCLC, Joseph Lowery, met with the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and endorsed Palestinian self-determination and urged the PLO to "consider" recognizing State of israel'southward right to exist.^[43]

Notes [edit]

1. ^ King Research & Education Plant at Stanford Univ. "Southern Christian Leadership Conference".
2. ^ Co-operative, Taylor (1988). Parting the Waters . Simon & Schuster. ISBN9780671687427.
3. ^ ""A Statement to the Southward and Nation," Issued by the Southern Negro Leaders Conference on Transportation and Nonviolent Integration" (1957-01-xi). Martin Luther King, Jr. Papers Project. Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Instruction Institute, Stanford University. Retrieved 2020-09-22.
4. ^ "Veterans of the Civil Rights Movement -- History & Timeline, 1957". www.crmvet.org . Retrieved April 14, 2017.
5. ^ "Proper name changed to Southern Christian Leadership Conference at third meeting; Rex announces "Crusade for Citizenship"". Rex Encyclopedia. Stanford Academy | Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Education Plant. August 8, 1957. Retrieved September 22, 2020.
6. ^ "Sweetness Auburn Avenue: The Buildings Tell Their Story". sweetauburn.us . Retrieved May 31, 2019.
7. ^ Garrow, David (1986). Bearing the Cantankerous . Morrow. ISBN9780688047948.
8. ^ Miller, Steven P. (2009). Billy Graham and the Rise of the Republican South. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. p. 92. ISBN978-0-8122-4151-8 . Retrieved April 8, 2015.
9. ^ "National Annals Information System". National Register of Historic Places. National Park Service. July ix, 2010.
10. ^ "The Progressive Club, Charleston County (3377 River Rd., Johns Island)". National Register Backdrop in South Carolina. South Carolina Department of Archives and History. Retrieved August i, 2014.
11. ^ Payne, Charles (1995). I've Got the Lite of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Liberty Struggle . Academy of California Press. ISBN9780520085152.
12. ^ Citizenship Schools ~ Ceremonious Rights Motion Archive
13. ^ ^{a b} Payne, Charles. I've Got the Lite of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle. Academy of California, 1997.
14. ^ ^{a b} Charron, Katherine Mellen (2009). Freedom's Instructor: The Life of Septima Clark. The University of Due north Carolina Press.
15. ^ ^{a b} Chocolate-brown-Nagin, Tomiko 2006. The Transformation of a Social Motility into Police force? the SCLC and NAACP's campaigns for civil rights reconsidered in the light of the educational activism of Septima Clark. Routledge.
16. ^ Dark-brown-Nagin, Tomiko (2006). The Transformation of a Social Move into Law? the SCLC and NAACP'south campaigns for ceremonious rights reconsidered in the light of the educational activism of Septima Clark. Routledge.
17. ^ "Interview with Septima Poinsette Clark, July 30, 1976". Documenting the American Due south.
18. ^ Albany GA, Movement ~ Civil Rights Movement Archive
19. ^ C.C.J. Carpenter; et al. (April 12, 1963). "Statement by Alabama Clergymen" (PDF). Martin Luther Rex Jr. Papers Project. Archived from the original (.PDF) on Feb 16, 2008. Retrieved February 12, 2008.
20. ^ ^{a b} Rex Jr., Martin Luther (Apr 16, 1963). "Letter from Birmingham Jail" (.PDF). Martin Luther Rex Jr. Papers Project. Retrieved February 12, 2008.
21. ^ March on Washington for Jobs & Liberty ~ Civil Rights Movement Archive
22. ^ St. Augustine Movement King Research and Education Constitute (Stanford Univ)
23. ^ ^{a b c} "Civil Rights Act of 1964 - CRA - Title 7 - Equal Employment Opportunities - 42 US Lawmaking Chapter 21 | findUSlaw". finduslaw.com . Retrieved May 31, 2019.
24. ^ St. Augustine Movement 1963–1964 ~ Civil Rights Movement Archive
25. ^ The Selma Injunction ~ Ceremonious Rights Motion Archive
26. ^ SCLC's "Alabama Project" ~ Civil Rights Movement Annal
27. ^ Are You "Qualified" to Vote? The Alabama "Literacy Test" ~ Civil Rights Movement Archive
28. ^ "Selma to Montgomery March". Male monarch Research & Instruction Found at Stanford Academy. Archived from the original on Jan 22, 2009.
29. ^ Garrow, David (1986). Bearing the Cantankerous. Morrow. ISBN0-688-04794-7.
30. ^ King Research & Didactics Institute at Stanford Academy. "Our God Is Marching On!".
31. ^ "Veterans of the Civil Rights Movement -- Grenada Mississippi—Chronology of a Move". world wide web.crmvet.org . Retrieved May 31, 2019.
32. ^ "Negroes Browbeaten in Grenada School Integration" (PDF). New York Times . Retrieved September x, 2013.
33. ^ ^{a b c} "Programme from the SCLC'due south 10th Almanac Convention". The King Eye. Retrieved September 7, 2015.
34. ^ "COINTELPRO" A Huey P. Newton Story, Public Broadcasting System website.
35. ^ "COINTELPRO". Encyclopædia Britannica.
36. ^ ^{a b c} Gettleman, Jeffrey. "M.L. Male monarch Iii: Father's path hard to follow." Los Angeles Times, August 5, 2001. Retrieved on September 14, 2008.
37. ^ ^{a b c d e f} Firestone, David. "A civil rights group suspends, then reinstates, its president." The New York Times, July 26, 2001. Retrieved on August 28, 2008.
38. ^ "President of Beleaguered Civil Rights Group Resigns". Washington Post. November 12, 2004. Retrieved May 23, 2010.
39. ^ "Bernice King Declines SCLC Presidency". Atlanta Journal Constitution. January 21, 2011. Retrieved Jan 21, 2011.
40. ^ "National Staff". The All-New National SCLC. March 26, 2018. Retrieved Oct 1, 2020.
41. ^ "Civil Rights Movement Annal - CORE, NAACP, SCLC, SNCC". www.crmvet.org . Retrieved May 31, 2019.
42. ^ Stephen G. N. Tuck (2001). Across Atlanta: The Struggle for Racial Equality in Georgia, 1940-1980. University of Georgia Press. ISBN978-0-8203-2528-6.
43. ^ Frum, David (2000). How Nosotros Got Here: The '70s. New York, New York: Basic Books. p. 273. ISBN0-465-04195-7.

References [edit]

• Aguiar, Marian; Gates, Henry Louis (1999). "Southern Christian Leadership Briefing". Africana: the encyclopedia of the African and African American experience. New York: Basic Civitas Books. ISBN0-465-00071-1.
• Cooksey, Elizabeth B. (December 23, 2004). "Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC)". The new Georgia encyclopedia. Athens, GA: Georgia Humanities Council. OCLC 54400935. Retrieved February 12, 2008.
• Fairclough, Adam. "The Preachers and the People: The Origins and Early Years of the Southern Christian Leadership Briefing, 1955-1959." Journal of Southern History (1986): 403–440. in JSTOR
• Fairclough, Adam. To Redeem the Soul of America: The Southern Christian Leadership Conference and Martin Luther Male monarch, Jr. (University of Georgia Press, 2001)
• Garrow, David. Bearing the Cantankerous: Martin Luther Male monarch, Jr., and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (1986); Pulitzer Prize
• Marable, Manning; Mullings, Leith (2002). Liberty: A Photographic History of the African American Struggle. London: Phaidon. ISBN0-7148-4270-2.
• Peake, Thomas R. Keeping the dream live: A history of the Southern Christian Leadership Briefing from King to the 19-eighties (P. Lang, 1987)
• Williams, Juan (1987). Eyes on The Prize: America's Civil Rights Years, 1954–1965. New York: Viking. ISBN0-670-81412-1.

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External links [edit]

• Official website
• Civil Rights Motility Archive
• Southern Christian Leadership Conference records, 1864 (sic)–2012 at the Stuart A. Rose Manuscripts, Archives, and Rare Books Library, Emory University
• SCLC Documents Online drove of original SCLC documents ~ Civil Rights Movement Archive.
• "SCLC," One Person, One Vote
• Stuart A. Rose Manuscript, Archives, and Rare Book Library, Emory Academy: Southern Christian Leadership Briefing records, 1864-2012

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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Southern_Christian_Leadership_Conference

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